Monday, May 13, 2024

18 … and Up? Maryland Is the Latest State to Enact a Privacy Law

Last Thursday, Free State Governor Wes Moore signed into law the Maryland Online Data Privacy Act of 2024 (MODPA). With the stroke of his pen, Maryland became the eighteenth state to adopt a comprehensive data privacy statute – one with the most onerous "data-minimization" requirements we have seen thus far.

Forgive me if I sound like a broken record, but this most-recent addition to the already substantial set of state-specific data privacy laws further compounds the confusion experienced by consumers and the compliance challenges faced by companies, particularly small businesses.

Should it become federal law, the American Privacy Rights Act (APRA) discussion draft, about which I wrote in a recent Perspectives from FSF Scholars, would preempt this patchwork and establish a desperately needed nationwide data privacy regime.

For a general overview of the MODPA, please see my two previous posts to the Free State Foundation blog on the topic, which can be found here and here. For present purposes, I want to focus specifically on the MODPA's data-minimization language, which states that "controllers" must "[l]imit the collection of personal data to what is reasonably necessary and proportionate to provide or maintain a specific product or service requested by the consumer to whom the data pertains" (emphasis added).

The data-minimization model differs from the notice-and-consent approach – pursuant to which the bounds of permissible data collection are set forth in a company's privacy policy – that until recently served as the de facto standard nationwide. And Maryland's version is the most extreme data-minimization implementation to date.

Strict data-minimization requirements such as this, and the one spelled out in the APRA, could have unintended anti-consumer consequences. Limitations on the collection of personal data beyond what is "reasonably necessary and proportionate to provide or maintain a specific product or service requested by the consumer to whom the data pertains" – or, in the case of the APRA, "beyond what is necessary, proportionate, or limited to provide or maintain a product or service requested by an individual" (emphases added) – are inherently subjective standards that create substantial uncertainty and risk for companies. And that uncertainty and risk could have a chilling effect.

For example, companies may refrain from offering the "free" (that is, ad-supported) services that many consumers have come to rely on. The notice-and-consent model traditionally has allowed consumers to weigh the benefits of sharing personal information in exchange for these free services. The shift to a data-minimization approach could undermine that model, potentially leading to a reduction in the availability of complimentary online offerings.

The MODPA will go into effect on October 1, 2025, a year later than originally proposed.

The Conservative Case for Saving the Affordable Connectivity Program by Reforming It

 

The Affordable Connectivity Program, a $14.2 billion subsidy program established by Congress in 2021 to support broadband access for lower-income American households, may soon be ending. April was the last month during which the over 23 million participants received the full $30 ($75 on tribal lands) monthly subsidy. In May, customers will receive a partial ($14) benefit if their Internet service providers (ISPs) agree to provide one.

After that, the appropriated funds will be gone. For over a year, I’ve advocated extension of the ACP program. But as I wrote in a recent piece in the Washington Examiner, “only if it is meaningfully reformed to render it more fiscally responsible.” I said there, and previously, that “[t]his can be accomplished by adopting a considerably more restrictive eligibility requirement and further measures to reduce waste and fraud in the program."

There’s little doubt that, for most of us, access to a high-speed broadband connection enhances the quality of our lives. Adequate broadband access is usually required to take advantage of various educational opportunities, apply for jobs, interact with government websites, participate in community activities, or use social media. So, like government benefit programs that provide subsidies to low-income persons for securing food, housing, or energy assistance, a properly conceived and efficiently operated Affordable Connectivity Program can be an important “safety net” worthy of support from conservatives.

 

Moreover, by providing qualifying low-income households with a voucher to choose their broadband provider, the ACP program empowers them. Unlike the current legacy Lifeline model that provides support for telecom services indirectly to low-income persons by subsidizing the service providers, under ACP the consumer participates directly in the competitive broadband marketplace. This is a more market-oriented pro-consumer-choice approach.

 

So, there is a conservative case for saving the ACP program on the condition it is reformed.

 

Specifically, I have argued that "there is no reason why the ACP eligibility criterion should exceed 135% of the federal poverty level," the benchmark used for the FCC's Lifeline program. In any event, Lifeline should be folded into a reformed ACP program.

 

I made similar arguments in two earlier Perspectives from FSF Scholars, "The Affordable Connectivity Program: Time Is of the Essence for Congress to Act" in March 2023 and "Congress Should Extend and Revise the Affordable Connectivity Program" in October 2022. And others have expressed related concerns. As I noted in the Washington Examiner piece, Senator Shelley Moore Capito asserted that "we need to have accountability to make sure that the people who are receiving this benefit are the ones that actually cannot pay, and would not pay otherwise had they not had the extra money to be able to afford this."

More recently, Senator Ted Cruz leveled a more forceful critique:

[T]he [ACP] is not working as Congress intended: to assist those for whom cost was the barrier to gaining internet access…. [I]t turns out the vast majority of [participants] already had high-speed internet. Here's an FCC survey showing just 22 percent of the households receiving the taxpayer subsidy were previously unsubscribed to broadband. This means that for every household that didn't subscribe to premium internet, the federal government is subsidizing four households that did. Beyond this inefficiently, reports have also found – unsurprisingly – that ACP has had inflationary effects on the price of internet."

As the end date approaches, proponents have floated various legislative solutions, some with their own flaws. On April 26, Senate Commerce Committee Chair Maria Cantwell released an amended version of her Spectrum and National Security Act discussion draft that would reinstate the FCC's long-lapsed spectrum auction authority and lend the FCC $7 billion (up from $5 billion in the original) to replenish the ACP with the promise of future auction revenues as collateral.

As Harold Furchtgott-Roth, an economist and former FCC Commissioner, and Kirk Arner wrote in RealClear Markets:

This is a bad idea that would set a dangerous precedent. Federal agencies do not ordinarily borrow large sums from Treasury. If this were allowed to occur, other agencies would quickly seek similar 'borrowing authority' to pay for projects that are unaffordable today, hoping that requisite funds might be scrounged up somewhere else tomorrow.

They also agreed that "[i]f Congress decides to extend ACP, it should narrow the program to only cover households that but for the program's subsidy would not already be subscribed to Internet service."

Senator John Fetterman, meanwhile, has introduced a bill that would replace the current source of ACP dollars – that is, direct congressional appropriations accompanied by the oversight inherent to the legislative process – with yet another drain on the Universal Service Fund, a regressive "tax" on the dwindling user base of Title II "telecommunications services" whose contribution factor already has reached unsustainable levels. The Promoting Affordable Connectivity Act would require broadband and edge service providers to contribute to the USF in order to fund the ACP, purportedly, and magically, without further raising costs to consumers.

Direct congressional appropriations provide our elected leaders an opportunity periodically to reexamine the operation of federal programs, including ones like the ACP, to assess their efficiency and effectiveness in meeting their programmatic goals in a fiscally responsible manner. This includes, with respect to ACP, the eligibility requirements, the size of the benefit, and the controls to prevent waste, fraud, and abuse.

Eligibility for a household to participate in the program should be reduced from 200% of the federal poverty guideline (currently $62,400 in income for a household with four persons) to 135% (currently $42,120 for a four-person household). In line with the widely reported agreement of the bipartisan congressional Universal Service Working Group, the current $100 device subsidy should be eliminated as unnecessary. And effective controls to prevent fraud and abuse should be implemented.

And considering overall fiscal constraints, the size of the current monthly benefit should be subject to reevaluation too. As Senator Cruz said at a May 2 Senate Commerce Committee hearing, “History has shown that when the federal government starts subsidizing demand ­- in higher education, in agriculture ­- the subsidy gets capitalized and prices go up.”

In my view, if reformed to ensure it is operated on a fiscally responsible basis, including restricting the eligibility requirement to no more than 135% of the federal poverty guideline, the Affordable Connectivity Program is a worthwhile “safety net” program that should be extended.

 

Moreover, as I said in my earlier Washington Examiner op-ed, “if Congress does meaningfully reform the ACP program, it will constitute an important precedent demonstrating that ‘safety net’ programs can indeed be reformed.” In the “tax and spend” environment that prevails in Washington, this would be no small achievement in and of itself.

Friday, May 10, 2024

Future U.S. Competitiveness Requires More Licensed Spectrum

On May 6, CTIA published a report, "How Licensed Spectrum Fuels U.S. Competitiveness." CTIA's report makes a case for why more full-power licensed commercial spectrum – especially in the mid-band – is needed to ensure that the U.S. remains a competitive leader and realizes its full economic potential in the years ahead.

CTIA's report emphasizes wireless-enabled U.S. economic gains in international export-focused sectors, including agriculture, transportation, as well as pharmaceuticals, health care, and life sciences. Its overview of the economic benefits of wireless to manufacturing, machinery, and equipment is particularly insightful:

  • "Wireless connectivity is a critical innovation-enhancing input that boosts productivity across several key traded sectors, while constitutive parts of the wireless industry, like equipment, components, chips, devices, and software, are also themselves exported around the world."
  •  "A healthy U.S. 5G ecosystem makes for a stronger U.S. semiconductor industry" to fabricate chips used to power smartphones and other wireless devices.
  • "U.S. firms enjoy over 25 percent of global handset market share and dominate smartphone operating systems worldwide" due partly to early US leadership in 4G LTE networks. 
  • The U.S. is "a significant player in development of the intellectual property underlying wireless communications. With this IP, U.S. firms are major contributors to wireless communications standards, which are then used around the world."
  • "Researchers estimate the global 5G value chain, including network operators, providers of underlying technology and components, device and equipment manufacturers, and 5G application developers, will contribute $3.6 trillion in economic output by 2035."
  • "A significant component of this economic potential comes from efficiency-driving insights from Internet of Things (IoT) deployments… More spectrum will ensure 5G networks have the capacity to support a deeper integration of IoT sensors and devices to further enhance use cases across industries."
  • "Increasing U.S. manufacturing productivity—squeezing more from each dollar invested—is essential to making American manufacturing more globally competitive, and how to do this is a key consideration for policymakers who are looking to encourage manufacturers to produce more goods in America."
  • "The Manufacturing Institute surveyed manufacturing leaders on the impact of 5G on their business, finding manufacturers believe 5G can help lower costs by an estimated average of 38%, while increasing machine productivity by an estimated 42% and workforce productivity by 41%."
  • "This productivity impact comes from many 5G applications, such as smart factory connectivity, real-time insights from digital twins, and enhanced training and maintenance capabilities."

However, the report cites other report findings that the U.S. faces a "spectrum crunch." According to the report: "Researchers estimate that by 2027, U.S. operators will need an additional 400 megahertz of full-powered mid-band license spectrum, even accounting for optimistic growth in infrastructure, spectral efficiency, and Wi-Fi offload." This projected deficit increases to almost 1,500 MHz by 2032. By contrast, "China has already allocated 1460 megahertz of mid-band spectrum for 5G." That amount is 3.2 times more than the U.S.  Also, "[r]esearchers estimate that China may dedicate up to a total of 1660 megahertz of mid-band spectrum for 5G in the coming years."

 

CTIA's report calls for more full-power, mid-band spectrum for wide-area commercial 5G networks to ensure strong U.S. competitiveness against leading foreign rival China. It makes a call to fast action to license suitable sections of the lower 3 GHz and 7/8 GHz bands for full-power networks. As the report states, "policymakers should rely on tried-and-true auctions to identify those entities best positioned to generate the greatest value out of the limited frequencies available."

 

Free State Foundation President Randolph May and Senior Fellow Andrew Long reiterated the need for a replenished spectrum pipeline in January 2024 public comments to the NTIA for its Implementation Plan for the National Spectrum Strategy. The importance of re-establishing the FCC's statutory authority to conduct competitive bidding spectrum license auctions as well as the importance of more spectrum availability – both licensed and unlicensed – were discussed during the "Hot Topics in Communications Law and Policy" panel at the Free State Foundation's Sixteenth Annual Policy Conference. The panel video is available online. 

Thursday, May 09, 2024

FCC Releases Text of New Title II Order

On May 7, the FCC released the text of its Safeguarding and Securing the Open Internet Order – that is, the agency's new Title II Order. By a 3-2 vote on April 25, the Commission reclassified broadband Internet access services as "telecommunications services" under Title II of the Communications Act. It established a public utility regulatory regime for broadband. Under that regime, broadband Internet service providers are subject to bright-line restrictions on network management and a vague "catch-all" standard. Broadband providers will be subject to informal and formal complaint proceedings for alleged violations of the Commission's rules and "catch-all" standard.

The Free State Foundation filed comments and reply comments in the FCC's Safeguarding and Securing the Open Internet proceeding that opposed public utility regulation of broadband services. In the weeks and days leading up to the Commission's April 25 vote, Perspectives from FSF Scholars papers were published on the agency's empty national security and public safety rationales for Title II regulation, the legal problems with Title II reclassification under the Supreme Court's Major Questions Doctrine, and the harm to innovative 5G "network slicing" under Title II. Additionally, an April 25 Press Release by FSF President Randolph May and I provided a brief initial response to the Commission's vote to adopt its new Title II Order. 


My Federalist Society Blog post from May 3 analyzing the Second Circuit's decision in New York State Telecommunications Association, Inc. v. James, pointed to questions still needing to be directly sorted out regarding preemption and specific state-level rate regulation of interstate broadband Internet services. Now that the text of the new Title II Order has been publicly released, expect forthcoming analyses from FSF scholars about rate regulation as well as other law and policy issues and implications of the Order.